Natural Rationality | decision-making in the economy of nature

3/27/08

A Short Encyclopedia of Philosophy of Social Cognition


One of the assignment for my course "The Social Mind" is a short encyclopedia entry. Students have to write a succinct, focused entry (about 500 words) on a topic relevant for the philosophy of social cognition (i.e. where philosophy of mind meets social philosophy ). All these entries will be available online there:

http://philosophyofsocialcognition.pbwiki.com/



All the listed entries on the front page are already attributed to students. If, however, you would like to contribute another entry, send me your suggestions.


EDITORIAL GUIDELINES

The goal is to create a concise but useful philosophical encyclopedia on folk-psychology, mind reading, interpretation, social cognition and other related subjects. You should contribute an entry that presents, in simple words, important concepts in the field. If you want to submit an entry:

  1. Send me a brief email with an outline of the entry you would like to write; do NOT choose an entry listed on the Encyclopedia frontpage.
  2. Once I accepted your project entry, send it as an attached .DOC, or .RTF file to benoithv@gmail.com.
  3. The text should not be longer than 500 words. If you use a term in your entry that will appear elsewhere in the encyclopedia, CAPITALIZE it. End your entries by writing “See also . . .” and up to 5 (capitalized) related key terms that appear elsewhere in the encyclopedia. Do not use italics, footnotes or endnotes.



The Philosophy of Social Cognition - IX - Social Intelligence

Here is the ninth chapter of "The Philosophy of Social Cognition", the free ebook-in-progress: Social Intelligence



Front Matter


INTRODUCTION

PART ONE: PHILOSOPHY AND THE OTHER MINDS

1. The Other Minds
2. Rationality and Interpretation


PART TWO: OUR EVERYDAY PSYCHOLOGY

3. Simulation and Theory-Theory
4. Embodied Phenomenology and Narratives
5.Experimental Approaches to Folk-Psychology: Moral Judgments and Pluralistic Accounts


PART THREE: THE CONSTITUTION OF THE SOCIAL MIND

6. Neurons that Mirror

7. Social Primates and the Evolution of Social Cognition
8. The Modularity of The Social Mind
9. Social Intelligence

PART FOUR: RATIONALITY, GAME THEORY AND SOCIALITY
10...
11...

CONCLUSION

Bibliography on Philosophy and Social Cognition





The Philosophy of Social Cognition - VIII - The Modularity of The Social Mind

Here is the eighth chapter of "The Philosophy of Social Cognition", the free ebook-in-progress: The Modularity of The Social Mind



3/26/08

Nature Neuroscience Special Issue about Decision Neuroscience

The last issue of Nature Neuroscience features 4 great papers on the neuroscience of decision-making:

  • Choice, uncertainty and value in prefrontal and cingulate cortex
    Matthew F S Rushworth and Timothy E J Behrens
  • Risky business: the neuroeconomics of decision making under uncertainty
    Michael L Platt and Scott A Huettel
  • Game theory and neural basis of social decision making
    Daeyeol Lee
  • Modulators of decision making
    Kenji Doya
Enjoy!



3/11/08

Why Neuroeconomics Needs a Concept of (Natural) Rationality

ResearchBlogging.orgNeuroeconomists (more than “decision neuroscientists”) often report their finding as strong evidence against the rationality of decision-makers. In the case of cooperation it is often claimed that emotions motivate cooperation since neural activity elicited by cooperation overlaps with neural activity elicited by hedonic rewards (Fehr & Camerer, 2007). Also, when subjects have to choose whether or not they would purchase a product, desirable products cause activation in the nucleus accumbens (associated with anticipation of pleasure). However, if the price is seen as exaggerated, activity is detected in the insula (involved in disgust and fear; Knutson 2007).

The accumulation of evidence about the engagement of affective areas in decison-making is undisputable, and seems to make a strong case against a once pervasive “rationalist” vision of decision-making in cognitive science and economics. This is not, however, a definitive argument for emotivism (we choose with our "gut feelings") and irrationalism. For at least three reasons (methodological, empirical and conceptual), these findings should not be seen as supporting an emotivist account.

First, characterizing a brain area as “affective” or “emotional” is misleading. There is no clear distinction, in the brain, between affective and cognitive areas. For instance, the anterior insula is involved in disgust, but also in disbelief (Harris et al., 2007). A high-level task such as cognitive control (e.g. holding items in working memory in a goal-oriented task) requires both “affective” and “cognitive” areas (Pessoa, 2008). The affective/cognitive distinction is a folk-psychological one, not a reflection of brain anatomy and connectivity. There is a certain degree of specialization, but generally speaking any task recruits a wide arrays of areas, and each area is redeployed in many tasks. In complex being like us, so-called “affective” areas are never purely affective: they always contribute to higher-level cognition, such as logical reasoning (Houde & Tzourio-Mazoyer, 2003). Similarly, while the amygdala has been often described as a “fear center”, its function is much more complex, as it modulates emotional information, react to unexpected stimuli and is heavily recruited in visual attention, a “cognitive” function. It is therefore wrong to consider “affective” areas as small emotional agents that are happy or sad and make us happy of sad. Instead of employing folk-psychological categories, their functional contribution should be understood in computational terms: how they process signals, how information is routed between areas and how they affect behavior and thought.

Second, even if there are affective areas, they are always complemented or supplemented by “cognitive” ones: the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (DLPFC) for instance (involved in cognitive control and goal maintenance), is recruited in almost all decision-making task, and has been shown to be involved in norm-compliant behavior and purchasing decisions. In the ultimatum game, beside the anterior insula, two other areas are recruited: the DLPFC and the anterior cingulate cortex (ACC), involved in cognitive conflict and emotional modulation. Explainiations of ultimatum decisions spell out neural information-processing mechanisms, not “emotions”.

Check for instance the neural circuitry involved in cognitive control: you would think it is only prefrontal areas, but as it turns out, "cognitive" and "affective" area sare required for this competence:


[Legend: This extended control circuit contains traditional control areas, such as the anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) and the lateral prefrontal cortex (LPFC), in addition to other areas commonly linked to affect (amygdala) and motivation (nucleus accumbens). Diffuse, modulatory effects are shown in green and originate from dopamine-rich neurons from the ventral tegmental area (VTA). The circuit highlights the cognitive–affective nature of executive control, in contrast to more purely cognitive-control proposals. Several connections are not shown to simplify the diagram. Line thickness indicates approximate connection strength. OFC, orbitofrontal cortex.From Pessoa, 2008]

As Michael Anderson pointed out in a series of papers (2007a and b, among others), there is many-to-many mapping between brain functions and cognitive functions. So the concept of "emotional areas" should be banned from neuroeconomics vocabulary before it is too late.

Third, a point that has been neglected by many research about decision-making neural activation of a particular brain area is always explanatory with regard to its contribution in understanding personal-level properties. If we learn that the anterior insula react to unfair offers, we are not singling out the function of this area, but explaining how the person’s decision is responsive to a particular type of valuation. The basic unit of analysis of decisions is not neurons, but judgments. We may study sub-judgmental (e.g. neural) mechanisms and how they contribute to judgment formation; or we may study supra-judgmental mechanisms (e.g. reasoning) and how they articulate judgments. Emotions, as long as they are understood as affective reactions, are not judgments: they either contribute to judgments or are construed as judgments. In both case, the category “emotions” seems superfluous for explaining the nature of the judgment itself. Thus, if judgments are the basic unit of analysis, brain areas are explanatory insofar as they make explicit how individuals arrive at a certain judgment, how it is implemented, etc: what kind of neural computations are carried out? Take, for example, cooperation in the prisoner's dilemma. Imaging studies show that when high-psychopathy and low-psychopathy subjects choose to cooperate, different neural activity is observed: the former use more prefrontal areas than the latter, indicating that cooperation is more efforful (see this post). This is instructive: we learn something about the information- processing not about "emotions" or "reason".

In the end, we want to know how these mechanisms fix beliefs, desires and intentions: neuroeconomics can be informative as long as it aims at deciphering human natural rationality.


References
  • Anderson, M. L. (2007a). Evolution of Cognitive Function Via Redeployment of Brain Areas. Neuroscientist, 13(1), 13-21.
  • Anderson, M. L. (2007b). The Massive Redeployment Hypothesis and the Functional Topography of the Brain. Philosophical Psychology, 20(2), 143 - 174.
  • Fehr, E., & Camerer, C. F. (2007). Social Neuroeconomics: The Neural Circuitry of Social Preferences. Trends Cogn Sci.
  • Harris, S., Sheth, S. A., & Cohen, M. S. (2007). Functional Neuroimaging of Belief, Disbelief, and Uncertainty. Annals of Neurology,
  • Houde, O., & Tzourio-Mazoyer, N. (2003). Neural Foundations of Logical and Mathematical Cognition. Nature Reviews Neuroscience, 4(6), 507-514.
  • Knutson, B., Rick, S., Wimmer, G. E., Prelec, D., & Loewenstein, G. (2007). Neural Predictors of Purchases. Neuron, 53(1), 147-156.
  • Spitzer, M., Fischbacher, U., Herrnberger, B., Gron, G., & Fehr, E. (2007). The Neural Signature of Social Norm Compliance. Neuron, 56(1), 185-196.




The bounded rationality of self-control

ResearchBlogging.org Rogue traders such as Jérôme Kerviel or Nick Leeson engage in criminal, fraudulent and high-risk financial activities that often result in huge losses ($7 billion for Kerviel) or financial catastrophe (the bankruptcy of the 233 years-old bank who employed Leeson). Why would anyone do that?

A popular answer is that money is like a drug, and that Kerviel had behaved "like a financial drug addict" . And truly, it is. We crave money and feel its rewarding properties when our subcortical areas light up as if we were having sex or eating Port-Royal Cupcakes (just reading the list of ingredients of the latter is enough for me!). Money hits our sweet spot, and elicits activity in emotional and emotion-related areas. Thus rogue traders are like cocaine addicts, unable to stop the never-ending search for the ultimate buzz.

This is fine, but incomplete and partly misleading. We all have temptations, drives, desires, emotions, addictions, etc., and some of us experience them more vividly. The interesting question is not how intense the money thrill is, but how weak is self-control can be. By “self-control”, I mean the vetoing capacity we have: when we resist eating fat food, smoking (oh, just one, I swear) another cigarette, insulting that person that laugh at us, flirting with that cute colleague of yours, etc. Living in society requires that we regulate our behavior and—more often than not—doing what we should do instead of what we want to do. It seems that rogue traders, like addicts and criminals, lacks a certain capacity to implement self-control and normative regulation.

Traditional accounts of self-control construe this capacity as a cognitive, rational faculty. New developments in psychology suggest that it is more like a muscle than a cognitive process. If self-control is a cognitive process, activating it should speed up further self-control since it becomes highly accessible; priming, for instance, speeds up recognition. To the contrary, if self-control is a limited resource, using it should impair or slow down further self-control (since part of the resource will be spent the first time). Many experiments support the second options: self-control and inhibitory control are limited resources, a phenomenon Roy Baumeister and his colleagues called ego depletion: the

temporary reduction in the self's capacity or willingness to engage in volitional action (including controlling the environment, controlling the self, making choices, and initiating action) caused by prior exercise of volition. (Baumeister et al., 1998, p. 1253)

For instance, subjects who have to suppress their emotions while watching an upsetting movie perform worse on the Stroop task (Inzlicht & Gutsell, 2007). EEG indicates less activity in the ACC in subjects who had to inhibit their affective reactions. Subjects who had to reluctantly eat radishes abandon problem-solving earlier than subject who had chocolate willingly. Taking responsibility for and producing voluntarily a counterattitudinal speech (a speech that expresses an opinion contrary to its locutor’s) also reduced perseverance; producing the speech without taking responsibility did not) (Baumeister et al., 1998).

Self-control literally requires energy. Subjects asked to suppress facial reactions (e.g. smiles) when watching a movie have lower blood glucose levels, suggesting higher energy consumption. Control subjects (free to react how they want) had the same blood glucose levels before and after the movie, and performed better than control subjects on a Stroop Task. Restoring glucose levels with a sugar-sweetened lemonade (instead of artificially-sweetened beverages, without glucose) also increases performance. Self-control failures happen more often in situation where blood glucose levels is low. In a literature review, Gailliot et al show that lack of cognitive, behavioral and emotional control is systematically associated with hypoglycemia or hypoglycemic individuals. Thought suppression, emotional inhibition, attention control, and refraining from criminal behavior are impaired in individual with low-level blood glucose (Gailliot & Baumeister, 2007).

The bottom line is: self-control takes energy and is a limited resource; immoral actions happen not only because people are emotionally driven toward certain rewards, but because, for one reason or another, their “mental brakes” cannot stop their drives. Knowing that, as rational agents, we should allocate wisely our self-control resources: for example, by not putting ourselves in situations where we will have to spend our self-control without a good (in a utility-maximizing or moral sense) return on investment.


References
  • Baumeister, R. F., Bratslavsky, E., Muraven, M., & Tice, D. M. (1998). Ego Depletion: Is the Active Self a Limited Resource? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74(5), 1252-1265.
  • Gailliot, M. T., & Baumeister, R. F. (2007). The Physiology of Willpower: Linking Blood Glucose to Self-Control. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 11(4), 303-327.
  • Harris, S., Sheth, S. A., & Cohen, M. S. (2007). Functional Neuroimaging of Belief, Disbelief, and Uncertainty. Annals of Neurology, 9999(9999), NA.
  • Houde, O., & Tzourio-Mazoyer, N. (2003). Neural Foundations of Logical and Mathematical Cognition. Nature Reviews Neuroscience, 4(6), 507-514.
  • Inzlicht, M., & Gutsell, J. N. (2007). Running on Empty: Neural Signals for Self-Control Failure. Psychological Science, 18(11), 933-937.
  • Pessoa, L. (2008). On the Relationship between Emotion and Cognition. Nat Rev Neurosci, 9(2), 148-158.



3/10/08

What to do with a PhD outside academia?

That is the question every academic researcher faces one day or another . Having myself started to think about my career (that is, maybe finding one day a job, and not just a grant/postdoc/fellowship/adjunct/part-time/lecturer/etc.) I wanted to share with you, dear readers, a couple of links that might be useful.

First I shall recommend the book on this topic:

Now the links (note that many valuable information comes from the Chronicle of Higher Education and University Affairs). Also, most of the tips you might need for resumes, cover letters, interviews, etc., can be easily found by using del.icio.us/ as a search engine (e.g. hit "resume writing tips" in del.icio.us, and you should have pretty much everything you need. For corporate careers, I suggest you look at Vault.com and Wefteet.com (they publish great career/job books)


Non-academic transition (for PhD in general)
Non-academic careers for Philosophers



3/9/08

The Philosophy of Social Cognition - VII - 7. Social Primates and the Evolution of Social Cognition

Here is the seventh chapter of "The Philosophy of Social Cognition",the free ebook-in-progress: Social Primates and the Evolution of Social Cognition





INTRODUCTION

PART ONE: PHILOSOPHY AND THE OTHER MINDS

1. The Other Minds
2. Rationality and Interpretation


PART TWO: OUR EVERYDAY PSYCHOLOGY

3. Simulation and Theory-Theory
4. Embodied Phenomenology and Narratives
5.Experimental Approaches to Folk-Psychology: Moral Judgments and Pluralistic Accounts


PART THREE: THE CONSTITUTION OF THE SOCIAL MIND

6. Neurons that Mirror

7. Social Primates and the Evolution of Social Cognition



3/8/08

Darwin's evolutionary social psychology

While reading the chapter 5 of Darwin's The Descent of Man, I noticed that Darwin reconstruct Human evolutionary history as--forgive the anachronism--a gene-culture co-evolution. Of course, there was no concept of gene in Darwin's time, so the correct label would be "nature-culture co-evolution", but I was amazed to see how his intuitions are closed to current theories. Basically, he described our evolution as an evolutionary arms race (another anachronism) between social life and intelligence. The process goes trough 3 phases: social instinct, social intelligence, and social reasoning:

1. Social instincts: learning and sympathy

General intelligence
  • It deserves notice that, as soon as the progenitors of man became social (and this probably occurred at a very early period), the principle of imitation, and reason, and experience would have increased, and much modified the intellectual powers in a way, of which we see only traces in the lower animals.
Social instincts: sympathy, fidelity, and courage
  • In order that primeval men, or the apelike progenitors of man, should become social, they must have acquired the same instinctive feelings, which impel other animals to live in a body; and they no doubt exhibited the same general disposition. They would have felt uneasy when separated from their comrades, for whom they would have felt some degree of love; they would have warned each other of danger, and have given mutual aid in attack or defence. All this implies some degree of sympathy, fidelity, and courage.
2. Social intelligence--reciprocity and approbation

Reciprocity:
  • as the reasoning powers and foresight of the members became improved, each man would soon learn that if he aided his fellow-men, he would commonly receive aid in return. From this low motive he might acquire the habit of aiding his fellows; and the habit of performing benevolent actions certainly strengthens the feeling of sympathy which gives the first impulse to benevolent actions. Habits, moreover, followed during many generations probably tend to be inherited.
Approbation
  • [a] powerful stimulus to the development of the social virtues, is afforded by the praise and the blame of our fellow-men. primeval man, at a very remote period, was influenced by the praise and blame of his fellows. It is obvious, that the members of the same tribe would approve of conduct which appeared to them to be for the general good, and would reprobate that which appeared evil.
3. Social reasoning--norms, rules and morality
  • With increased experience and reason, man perceives the more remote consequences of his actions, and the self-regarding virtues, such as temperance, chastity, &c., which during early times are, as we have before seen, utterly disregarded, come to be highly esteemed or even held sacred.



3/5/08

The Philosophy of Social Cognition - VI - Neurons that Mirror


Here is the sixth chapter of "The Philosophy of Social Cognition", the free-e-book-in-progress: Neurons that Mirror (note that all chapter have been slightly edited--I use another font that should be easier to read on-screen--and the book is now divided in sections)


PART ONE: PHILOSOPHY AND THE OTHER MINDS

1. The Other Minds
2. Rationality and Interpretation


PART TWO: OUR EVERYDAY PSYCHOLOGY

3. Simulation and Theory-Theory
4. Embodied Phenomenology and Narratives
5.Experimental Approaches to Folk-Psychology: Moral Judgments and Pluralistic Accounts


PART THREE: THE CONSTITUTION OF THE SOCIAL MIND

6. Neurons that Mirror



Of Genes and Trust

ResearchBlogging.org

In a post last October, I presented a study on the heritability of fairness preference in the Ultimatum game. It was found that genetics account for 42% of the variation in responder behavior: i.e., identical twins are more likely to behave similarly in their reaction to Ultimatum proposition.

Now the same team studied the genetic influence of choice behavior in the Trust game. In this game, Alice (player 1) has an initial amount of money that she could either keep or transfer to Bob (player 2). Is she transfers it to Bob, the amount is tripled. Bob could keep this amount, or transfer it (partially or totally) to Alice. Game theory predicts that Alice should keep everything, or if she transfers any amount, Bob should keep all of it. Experimental studies have shown that players in Alice’s position invest about 50% of their money and get more or less what they invest (Camerer, 2003). Cesarini et al. (2008) found that genetics can account for 15% to 30% of the variations (they used two samples of American and Swedish identical and non-twins). Thus, there is no "trust gene", but an important influence of genetics. They conclude by urging social scientist to "take seriously the idea that peer and parental socialization are not the only forces that explain differences in cooperative attitudes".

Knobe and Leiter (2006) illustrate vividly why genetics should be given a more important place in the conceptualization of cognitive functions (in their cases, moral psychology):

The most important evidence here comes from studies in behavioral genetics. Typically, these studies are conducted either by looking at twins (comparing monozygotic to dizygotic) or by looking at adopted children. The results of such studies are as consistent as they are shocking. Almost every personality trait that has been studied by behavioral geneticists has turned out to be heritable to a surprising degree. So, for example, a recent review of five studies in five different countries (comprising a total 15 sample size of 24,000 twins) estimates that genetic factors explain 60% of the variance inextraversion and 50% of the variance in neuroticism (Loehlin 1992).
It is difficult to convey just how astoundingly high these numbers are, but perhapsone can get a better sense for the issue by considering the effect sizes obtained in someclassic social psychology experiments. The Festinger and Carlsmith (1959) study of cognitive dissonance found an effect that explained 13% of the behavioral variance; the Darley and Batson (1968) study of bystander intervention and the diffusion of responsibility found an effect that explained 14% of the behavioral variance; the Milgram (1975) study of obedience and proximity showed an effect that explained 13% of the behavioral variance. These are among the most influential and important experiments inall of social psychology. In each case, the fact that researchers were able to explain 13-14% of the variance led to a veritable revolution in our understanding of the relevant phenomena. Now consider, by contrast, the fact that behavioral geneticists routinely find effects that explain fifty percent of the variance in trait measures.

References
  • Camerer, C. F. (2003). Psychology and Economics. Strategizing in the Brain. Science, 300(5626), 1673-1675.
  • Cesarini, D., Dawes, C.T., Fowler, J.H., Johannesson, M., Lichtenstein, P., Wallace, B. (2008). Heritability of cooperative behavior in the trust game. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences DOI: 10.1073/pnas.0710069105
  • Knobe, Joshua and Leiter, Brian R., "The Case for Nietzschean Moral Psychology" (April 28, 2006). Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=816224



Coke, Pepsi, and The Brain--redux



ResearchBlogging.orgIn 2004, a team of neuroscientist conducted a new version of the Pepsi Challenge. Not only did participants had to indicate which cola they prefer, but they had to do this while their brain was scanned. Results showed that when subjects tasted samples of Pepsi and Coke with and without the brand’s label, they reported different preferences (McClure et al., 2004). Without labels, subjects evaluate both drinks similarly. When drinks were labeled, subjects report a stronger preference for Coke, and this effect was correlated with a stronger activity in the medial prefrontal cortex. This was due, according to the researchers (and many neuromarketers) to the effectiveness of Coke’s branding strategies. Somehow, Coke managed to trigger certains associations in our brain, and simply seeing their logo is enough to make a drink taste better. A similar effect was observed with costly wine bottles. Non-experts feels that the same bottle of wine with an expensive price tag is more appreciated than with a cheap one, and the expensive one elicit stronger activity in orbitofrontal cortex (Plassmann et al, 2008). Again, an area important in emotional processing.

A new study (Koenigs & Tranel, 2008) showed that some people are less sensitive to this branding effect: subjects with ventromedial prefrontal cortex damage (an area involved in emotional processing). Unlike their normal counterpart, these patients maintained their preference for Pepsi. Thus, as the authors conclude “[l]acking the normal affective processing, VMPC patients may base their brand preference primarily on their taste preference.” The VMPC thus act as a gate that let emotional memories affect present evaluations.

  • Koenigs, M., Tranel, D. (2007). Prefrontal cortex damage abolishes brand-cued changes in cola preference. Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience, 3(1), 1-6. DOI: 10.1093/scan/nsm032
  • McClure, S. M., Li, J., Tomlin, D., Cypert, K. S., Montague, L. M., & Montague, P. R. (2004). Neural Correlates of Behavioral Preference for Culturally Familiar Drinks. Neuron, 44(2), 379-387.
  • Plassmann, H., O'Doherty, J., Shiv, B., Rangel, A. (2008). Marketing actions can modulate neural representations of experienced pleasantness. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 105(3), 1050-1054. DOI: 10.1073/pnas.0706929105





3/3/08

The Philosophy of Social Cognition - V - Experimental Approaches to Folk-Psychology: Moral Judgments and Pluralistic Accounts

Here is the fifth chapter of "The Philosophy of Social Cognition", the free-e-book-in-progress: Experimental Approaches to Folk-Psychology: Moral Judgments and Pluralistic Accounts.