Natural Rationality | decision-making in the economy of nature
Showing posts with label behavioral ecology. Show all posts
Showing posts with label behavioral ecology. Show all posts

10/15/07

Blog Action Day: The Economies of Nature



[This post is my participation to the Blog Action Day, a day where “bloggers around the web will unite to put a single important issue on everyone’s mind - the environment. Every blogger will post about the environment in their own way and relating to their own topic”. This is Natural Rationality’s perspective on environmental issues]

In previous posts, I discussed the Darwinian concept of and “Economy of Nature”. One of the purpose of this discussion is to promote a conception of economic as a general science of natural and political (human) economies. Agents in both domains are different—money and stock market are human institutions—but they share a common principle, namely the maximization of value: whether it’s fitness, utility or reward, agents in an economy strive to optimize. Behavior ecology and decision neuroscience show, for instance, that decision-making is a natural, and common, feature of the living world. The difference between agents in natural and political economics should not be a problem: after all, zoology and botany study different forms of life but are studied by biology.

This conception has not only theoretical consequences. From a political point of view, if human economy is one of the economies of nature, the fact that it is the more sophisticated does not allow us to cause damage to animal economies, such as:
- half of the Earth's surface transformed by human action
- the concentration of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere increased by 30% since the beginning of the industrial revolution
- we produce more nitrogen than all natural sources may produce
- half of the fresh water surface is used by humanity
- almost one out of four specie of birds is threatened with extinction (Vitousek et al., 1997).

Such damages are usually construed as what economists call "externalities", i.e. costs that affect a third party, (who is external to a contract or a transaction). The third party’s utility is increased or decreased without this change be reflected in market prices. Yet in a perspective where economies and ecologies are similar, rather than a mere externality, our harmful effect on other forms of life should be understood like an economic damage: we reduce significantly the ability of metazoans agents to carry out their economic activity. Our actions must then be judged both ethically and economically, and we cannot consider animal life only as a third party external to our markets. All economies of the nature are connected, and we behave as if ours was in a prisoner's dilemma, where it is more advantageous for each agent not to cooperate, even though we would collectively benefit from cooperation. Experiments have shown that individuals agents tend to cooperate in prisoner's dilemmas , but the logic of the organizations does not reflect that of individuals. Organizations, but not individuals, behave like Homo Economicus (Cox & Hayne, 2006). In this prisoner's dilemma, our private and public organizations tend to prefer the defection (the Nash equlibrium), at the expense of environmental concerns—what Hardin (1968) famously described as the Tragedy of the Commons.
What can be done? There will be no magic solution. Firms are firms, and will be concerned by environment only if they can profit from it. We won’t change the form of markets, but maybe we can change their content. We can’t expect everybody to pay a higher price for green products, when “regular” products are less expensive. It is rational to pay less, specially when you’re not rich. But if we can market green products at a competitive price, people will buy them. If there is a financial reward in developing green products, firm will develop them. If green firms represent a capital gain, shareholders will be there. But this will require global political intervention: don’t expect the invisible hand to get greener.


Related posts

References
  • Cox, J., & Hayne, S. (2006). Barking up the Right Tree: Are Small Groups Rational Agents? Experimental Economics, 9(3), 209-222.
  • Hardin, G. (1968). The Tragedy of the Commons. Science, 162(3859), 1243-1248.
  • Vitousek, P. M., Mooney, H. A., Lubchenco, J., & Melillo, J. M. (1997). Human Domination of Earth's Ecosystems (5325), 494-499.



10/12/07

A roundup of the most popular posts

According to the stats, the 5 mots popular posts on Natural Rationality are:

  1. Strong reciprocity, altruism and egoism
  2. What is Wrong with the Psychology of Decision-Making?
  3. My brain has a politics of its own: neuropolitic musing on values and signal detection
  4. Rational performance and behavioral ecology
  5. Natural Rationality for Newbies

Enjoy!



9/24/07

Natural Rationality for Newbies



Decision-making, as I routinely argue in this blog, must be understood as entrenched in a richer theoretical framework: Darwin’s economy-of-nature. According to this principle, animals could be modeled as economic agents and their control systems could be modeled as economic devices. All living beings are thus deciders, strategists or traders in the economy of reproduction and survival.

When he suggested that nature is an economy, Darwin paved the way for a stronger interaction between biology and economics. One of the consequences of a bio-economic approach is that decision-making becomes an increasingly important topic. The usual, commonsense construal of decision-making suggests that it is inherently tied to human characteristics, language in particular. If that is the case, then talk of animal decisions is merely metaphorical. However, behavioral ecology showed that animals and human behavior is constrained by economic parameters and coherent with the economy-of-nature principle. Neuroeconomics suggest that the neural processing follow the same logic. Dopaminergic systems drive animals to achieve certain goals while affective mechanisms place goals and action in value spaces. These systems, although they were extensively studied in humans, are not peculiar to them: humans display a unique complexity of goals and values, but this complexity relies partly on neural systems shared with many other animals: the nucleus accumbens and the amygdala, for instance are common in mammals. Brainy animals evolved an economic decision-making organ that allows them to cope with complex situations. As Gintis remarks, the complexity and the metabolic cost of central nervous systems co-evolved in vertebrates, which suggests that despite their cost, brains are designed to make adaptive decision[i].

Hence decision-making should be analyzed similarly as, and occupies an intellectual niche analogous to, the concept of cooperation. Nowadays, the evolutionary foundations, neural substrates, psychological mechanisms, formal modeling and philosophical analyses of cooperation constitutes a coherent—although not unified—field of inquiry [ii]. The nature of prosocial behavior, from kin selection to animal cooperation to human morality, is best understood by adopting a naturalistic stances that highlights both the continuity of the phenomenon and the human specificity. Biological decision-making deserves the same eclecticism.

Talking about biological decision-making comes at a certain conceptual price. As many philosophers pointed out, whenever one is describing actions and decisions, one is also presupposing the rationality of the agent[iii]. When we say that agent A chose X, we suppose that A had reasons, preferences, and so on. The default assumption is that preferences and actions are coherent: the firsts caused the seconds, and the seconds are justified by the firsts. The rationality philosophers are referring to, however, is a complex cognitive faculty, that requires language and propositional attitudes such as beliefs and desires. When animals forage their environment, select preys, patches, or mates, no one presupposes that they entertain beliefs or desires. There is nonetheless a presupposition that “much of the structure of the internal mental operations that inform decisions can be viewed as the product of evolution and natural selection”.[iv] Thus, to a certain degree, the neuronal processes concerned with the use of information are effective and efficient, otherwise natural selection would have discarded them. I shall label these presuppositions, and the mechanisms it might reveal, “natural rationality”. Natural rationality is a possibility condition for the concept of biological decision-making and the economy-of-nature principle. One needs to presuppose that there is a natural excellence in the biosphere before studying decisions and constraints.

More than a logical prerequisite, natural rationality concerns the descriptive and normative properties of the mechanisms by which humans and other animals make decisions. Most concepts of rationality take only the descriptive or the normative side, and hence tend to describe cognitive/neuronal processes without concern for their optimality, or state ideal conditions for rational behavior. For instance, while classical economics considers rational-choice theory either as a normative theory or a useful fiction, proponents of bounded rationality or ecological rationality refuse to characterize decision-making as optimization.[v] Others advocate a strong division of labor between normative and descriptive project: Tversky and Kahneman, for instance, concluded from their studies of human bounded rationality that the normative and descriptive accounts of decision-making are two separate projects that “cannot be reconciled”[vi]

The perspective I suggest here is that we should expect an overlap between normative and descriptive theories, and that the existence of this overlap is warranted by natural selection. On the normative side, we should ask what procedures and mechanisms biological agents should follow in order to make effective and efficient decision given all their constraints in the economy of nature. On the descriptive side, we must assess whether a procedure succeeds in achieving goals or, conversely, what goals could a procedure aim at achieving. If there is no overlap between norms and facts, then either norms should be reconceptualized or facts should be scrutinized: it might be the case that norms are unrealistic or that we did not identify the right goal or value.

This accounts contrasts with philosophers (e.g. Dennett or Davidson) who construe rationality as an idealization and researchers who preach the elimination of this concept because of its idealized status (evolutionary psychologists, for instance[vii]). Thus, rationality can be conceived not as an a priori postulate in economy and philosophy, but as an empirical and multidisciplinary research program. Quine once said that “creatures inveterately wrong in their inductions have a pathetic but praiseworthy tendency to die out before reproducing their kind”[viii]. Whether it is true for inductions is still open to debate, but I suggest that it clearly applies to decisions.

Related posts
Notes and references
  • [i] (Gintis, 2007, p. 3)
  • [ii] See for instance how neuroscience, game theory, economic, philosophy, psychology and evolutionary theory interact in (E. Fehr & Fischbacher, 2002; Ernst Fehr & Fischbacher, 2003; Hauser, 2006; Penner et al., 2005).
  • [iii] (Davidson, 1980; Dennett, 1987; Popper, 1994).
  • [iv] (Real, 1994, p. 4)
  • [v] (Chase et al., 1998; Gigerenzer, 2004; Selten, 2001)
  • [vi] (Tversky & Kahneman, 1986, p. s272)
  • [vii][vii] (Cosmides & Tooby, 1994)
  • [viii] (Quine, 1969, p. 126)

References

  • Chase, V. M., Hertwig, R., & Gigerenzer, G. (1998). Visions of Rationality. Trends in Cognitive Science, 2(6), 206-214.
  • Cosmides, L., & Tooby, J. (1994). Better Than Rational: Evolutionary Psychology and the Invisible Hand. The American Economic Review, 84(2), 327-332.
  • Davidson, D. (1980). Essays on Actions and Events. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  • Dennett, D. C. (1987). The Intentional Stance. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.
  • Fehr, E., & Fischbacher, U. (2002). Why Social Preferences Matter: The Impact of Non-Selfish Motives on Competition, Cooperation and Incentives. Economic Journal, 112, C1-C33.
  • Fehr, E., & Fischbacher, U. (2003). The Nature of Human Altruism. Nature, 425(6960), 785-791.
  • Gigerenzer, G. (2004). Fast and Frugal Heuristics: The Tools of Bounded Rationality. In D. Koehler & N. Harvey (Eds.), Blackwell Handbook of Judgment and Decision Making (pp. 62–88). Oxford: Blackwell.
  • Gintis, H. (2007). A Framework for the Unification of the Behavioral Sciences. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 30(01), 1-16.
  • Hauser, M. D. (2006). Moral Minds : How Nature Designed Our Universal Sense of Right and Wrong. New York: Ecco.
  • Penner, L. A., Dovidio, J. F., Piliavin, J. A., & Schroeder, D. A. (2005). Prosocial Behavior: Multilevel Perspectives. Annual Review of Psychology, 56(1), 365-392.
  • Popper, K. R. (1994). Models, Instruments, and Truth: The Status of the Rationality Principle in the Social Sciences. In The Myth of the Framework. In Defence of Science and Rationality
  • Quine, W. V. O. (1969). Ontological Relativity, and Other Essays. New York,: Columbia University Press.
  • Real, L. A. (1994). Behavioral Mechanisms in Evolutionary Ecology: University of Chicago Press.
  • Selten, R. (2001). What Is Bounded Rationality ? . In G. Gigerenzer & R. Selten (Eds.), Bounded Rationality: The Adaptive Toolbox (pp. 13-36). MIT Press: Cambridge, MA.
  • Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1986). Rational Choice and the Framing of Decisions. The Journal of Business, 59(4), S251-S278.



9/17/07

Rational performance and behavioral ecology

The oeconomy of nature is in this respect exactly of a piece with what it is upon many other occasions. With regard to all those ends which, upon account of their peculiar importance, may be regarded, if such an expression is allowable, as the favourite ends of nature, she has constantly in this manner not only endowed mankind with an appetite for the end which she proposes, but likewise with an appetite for the means by which alone this end can be brought about, for their own sakes, and independent of their tendency to produce it. Thus self-preservation, and the propagation of the species, are the great ends which Nature seems to have proposed in the formation of all animals. Mankind are endowed with a desire of those ends, and an aversion to the contrary; with a love of life, and a dread of dissolution; with a desire of the continuance and perpetuity of the species, and with an aversion to the thoughts of its intire extinction. But though we are in this manner endowed with a very strong desire of those ends, it has not been intrusted to the slow and uncertain determinations of our reason, to find out the proper means of bringing them about.
- Adam Smith, (1759)


One of the main goal of this blog (and the research that feeds it) is the development of a coherent and rigourous naturalized theory of rationality--or more precisely, a theory of natural rationality (I'll discuss the difference in another post). This theory-in-progress construes rationality as a natural feature of the biological world (and yes, fellows philosophers, I deal with the question of normativity, but another day). The big picture is the following: there is a distiction between rational competence and rational performance (as in linguistics): the competence is the set of mechanisms that make rational performance (= rational actions) possible. Neuroeconomics, as I see it, is the most promising research program that attempt to decipher the rational competence. An interesting possibility raised by these researches is that neural mechanisms involved in rational comptence may not be uniquely humans. In my phd thesis (in French, pdf here), I proposed that the whole vertebrate clade should be considered as the natural kind that implements the category "rational agents". I blogged a lot about neuroeconomics (competence), so today I'll talk about performance. How do animals behave rationally? In a basic, utility-maximizing sense: they optimize a utility function. While research in behavioral ecology showed that this hypothesis is justified, neureoconomics shows that it is more than an 'as-if' hypothesis or a useful fiction. So let's talk about behavioral ecology and rational performance.

Behavioral ecology models animals as economic agents that achieve ultimate goals (survival and reproduction) through instrumental ones (partner selection, food acquisition and consumption, etc.)[1]. Optimal foraging theory, for instance, represents foraging as a maximization of net caloric intake. With general principles derived from microeconomics, optimization theory and control theory, coupled with information about the physical constitution and ecological niche of the predator, it is possible to predict what kind of prey and patch an animal will favor, given certain costs such as search, identification, procurement, and handling costs. Optimal foraging theory (OFT), as their founders suggested, tries to determine “which patches a species would feed and which items would form its diet if the species acted in the most economical fashion”[2]. OFT models primarily animals as efficient goal-seekers and goal-achievers.
OFT thus incorporates agents, their choices, the currency to be maximized (most of the time a caloric gain) and a set of constraints. Most researches study where to forage (patch choice), what to forage (prey choice) and for how long (optimal time allocation). It is supposed that the individual animal make a series of decisions in order to solve a problem of sequential optimization. An animal looking for nutrients must maximize its caloric intake while taking into account those spent in seeking and capturing its prey; to this problem one must also add, among others, the frequency of prey encounter, the time devoted to research and the calories each prey type afford. All these parameters can be represented by a set of equations from which numerical methods such as dynamic programming allow biologists to derive algorithms that an optimal forager would implement in order to maximize the caloric intake. These algorithms are used afterward for the prediction of the behavior. Mathematically speaking, OFT is the translation of decision theory axioms—together with many auxiliary hypotheses—into tractable calories-maximization algorithms.
Economic models of animal behavior succeeded in explanation and prediction. It predicts for example how birds split their time between defending a territory and foraging[3], or between singing and foraging[4]. In their meta-analysis, Sih and Christensen[5] re-examined 134 foraging studies in laboratory and natural context, experimental or observational, and concluded that, although predictive success is not perfect, the predictivity of the theory is relatively high when preys are motionless (the prey can be a plant, seeds, honey, etc).
Interactive contexts are aptly modeled by game theory, mainly social foraging, fighting and predatory-preys relations[6]. For example, a model of Vickery et al[7] predicted that the co-occurrence of three social foraging strategies, producer (gathering nutrients) scrounger (stealing nutrients) and opportunist (switching between producer and scrounger) occurs only in the—very improbable—case where the losses opportunists would incur while foraging would be exactly equivalent to the profit of stealing. The model, however, predicts certain distributions of pairs of strategies that constitute evolutionary stable strategies (ESS), that is, a strategy that cannot be invaded by any competing alternative strategy. The proportion of food patch shared by scroungers, the size of the group and the degree of compatibility between the scrounger and producer strategy (i.e., if it is easy for the animal to perform both activities) determine the distribution of the strategies in a population, which was confirmed, inter alia, in birds (Lonchura punctulata)[8]. As predicted by the model, the producer strategy becomes less common when the cost of individual foraging increases.
Recently, behavioral ecologists found that animals could also be modeled as traders in biological markets. Obviously, biological markets do not have symbolic and conventional currencies systems, but in many interactions between animals institute trading structures. As soon as agents are able to provide commodities for mutual profit, the competition for obtaining commodities creates a higher bid. Animals seek and select partners according to the principle of supply and demand in interspecific mutualism, mate selection and intraspecific co-operation. An example of the last type is the cleaning market instituated by Hipposcarus harid fishes and cleaners-fishes Labroides dimidiatus. The “customers” (Hipposcarus) use the services of the cleaner to have its parasites removed, whereas the cleaners, occasionally, cheat and eat the healthy tissues of its customers. Since the cleaners offer a service that cannot be found elsewhere, they benefit from a certain economic advantage. A customer cannot choose to be exploited or not, whereas the cleaner chooses to cooperate or not (thus the payoffs are asymmetric). The customer—a predator fish that could eat the cleaner—abstains from consuming the cleaner in the majority of the cases, given the reciprocal advantage. Bshary and Schaffer[9] observed that cleaners spend more time with occasional customers than with regular ones and fight for them, since occasional customers are easier to exploit. All this makes perfect economic sense.
One could of course reformulate each of these results, and put the words decision or exchange between quotation marks to imply that they are mere façons de parler and not really decisions and exchanges, but instinctive behaviors preserved by natural selection. If this is the case, we should also put quotation marks when we talk about human beings: human behavioral ecology applies the same bio-economic logic with the same success to humans. Agents are modeled as optimal forager subjects to a multitude of constraints. Given available resources in the environment of a community, one can generates a model that predicts the optimal allocation of resources. These models are of course more complex than animal ones since they integrate social parameters like local habits, technology or economic structures. Models of human foraging where able for instance to explain differences in foraging style between tribes in the Amazonia, given the distance to be traversed and the technology used[10]. Food sharing, labor division between men and women, agricultural cultures and even Internet browsing (where the commodity is information) can be modeled by human behavioral ecology[11]. Hence even if foraging or trading behaviors are merely the execution of adaptations, the fact remains that their performance is best described as a decision-making process.


[1] (Krebs & Davies, 1997; Pianka, 2000)
[2] (MacArthur & Pianka, 1966, p. 603).
[3] (Kacelnik, Houston, & Krebs, 1981),
[4] (Thomas, 1999)
[5] (Sih & Christensen, 2001)
[6] (Hansen, 1986; Lima, 2002).(Dugatkin & Reeve, 1998)
[7] (Vickery, Giraldeau, Templeton, Kramer, & Chapman, 1991)
[8] (Mottley & Giraldeau, 2000)
[9] (Bshary & Schaffer, 2002)
[10] (Hames & Vickers, 1982)
[11] (Jochim, 1988; Kaplan, Hill, Hawkes, & Hurtado, 1984; Pirolli & Card, 1999)


Bshary, R., & Schaffer, D. (2002). Choosy reef fish select cleaner fish that provide high-quality service. Animal Behaviour, 63(3), 557.
Dugatkin, L. A., & Reeve, H. K. (1998). Game theory & animal behavior. New York ; Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Hames, R. B., & Vickers, W. T. (1982). Optimal Diet Breadth Theory as a Model to Explain Variability in Amazonian Hunting. American Ethnologist, 9(2, Economic and Ecological Processes in Society and Culture), 358-378.
Hansen, A. J. (1986). Fighting Behavior in Bald Eagles: A Test of Game Theory. Ecology, 67(3), 787-797.
Jochim, M. A. (1988). Optimal Foraging and the Division of Labor. American Anthropologist, 90(1), 130-136.
Kacelnik, A., Houston, A. I., & Krebs, J. R. (1981). Optimal foraging and territorial defence in the Great Tit (Parus major). Behavioral Ecology and Sociobiology, 8(1), 35.
Kaplan, H., Hill, K., Hawkes, K., & Hurtado, A. (1984). Food Sharing Among Ache Hunter-Gatherers of Eastern Paraguay. Current Anthropology, 25(1), 113-115.
Krebs, J. R., & Davies, N. B. (1997). Behavioural ecology : an evolutionary approach (4th ed.). Oxford, England ; Malden, MA: Blackwell Science.
Lima, S. L. (2002). Putting predators back into behavioral predator-prey interactions. Trends in Ecology & Evolution, 17(2), 70.
MacArthur, R. H., & Pianka, E. R. (1966). On optimal use of a patchy environment. American Naturalist(100), 603-609.
Mottley, K., & Giraldeau, L. A. (2000). Experimental evidence that group foragers can converge on predicted producer-scrounger equilibria. Anim Behav, 60(3), 341-350.
Pianka, E. R. (2000). Evolutionary ecology (6th ed.). San Francisco, Calif.: Benjamin Cummings.
Pirolli, P., & Card, S. (1999). Information Foraging. Psychological Review, 106(4), 643.
Sih, A., & Christensen, B. (2001). Optimal diet theory: when does it work, and when and why does it fail? Animal Behaviour, 61(2), 379.
Smith, A. ([1759] 2002). The theory of moral sentiments. Cambridge, U.K. ; New York: Cambridge University Press.
Thomas, R. J. (1999). Two tests of a stochastic dynamic programming model of daily singing routines in birds. Anim Behav, 57(2), 277-284.
Vickery, W. L., Giraldeau, L.-A., Templeton, J. J., Kramer, D. L., & Chapman, C. A. (1991). Producers, Scroungers, and Group Foraging. American Naturalist, 137(6), 847-863.